Software Vault: The Gold Collection/Software Vault - The Gold Collection (American Databankers) (1993).ISO/cdr11/usenetaf.zip/NEWS0507.93

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From uwvax!uwm.edu!cs.utexas.edu!usc!elroy.jpl.nasa.gov!ames!sgi!cdp!woa Fri May  7 10:20:47 CDT 1993
Article: 14876 of soc.culture.african
Path: uwvax!uwm.edu!cs.utexas.edu!usc!elroy.jpl.nasa.gov!ames!sgi!cdp!woa
From: The Washington Office on Africa <[e-mail]>
Newsgroups: soc.culture.african
Date: 04 May 93 09:52 PDT
Subject: MALAWI Action Alert
Message-ID: <[e-mail]>
Sender: Notesfile to Usenet Gateway <[e-mail]>
Nf-ID: #N:cdp:1471700333:000:13181
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DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION IN MALAWI
REQUIRES POLITICAL FREEDOM NOW

Action Alert
Washington Office on Africa
<<[e-mail]>>
May 3, 1993

After almost three decades of dictatorship, Life-President Hastings
Kamuzu Banda of Malawi has agreed to a referendum on multi-party
rule, now scheduled for June 14.  Although opposition parties have
not been formally legalized, opponents inside and outside the
country are speaking out as never before.

The new political opening is a result in part of internal
pressures, with Protestant and Catholic churches, as well as trade
unions, calling for an end to authoritarian rule.  External
pressures, especially the suspension of bilateral foreign aid, have
also been essential.

But the transition to democracy is by no means assured.  Banda's
government continues to detain and harass opposition leaders, and
refuses to accept a secret ballot for the referendum.  Observers
fear that without additional international urging, Banda and his
lieutenant John Tembo will continue to resist democratization,
following the lead of contemporaries such as Mobutu Sese Seko of
Zaire and Togo President Eyadema.

**Banda's Silent Kingdom**

Small densely-populated Malawi, surrounded by Mozambique, Zimbabwe,
Zambia and Tanzania, is ruled by the most long-lived authoritarian
regime on the continent.

After independence in 1964, Hasting Banda quickly eliminated his
younger rivals, establishing a highly repressive political system
and a society largely cut off from outside scrutiny.  Much of
Malawi's economy came under the sway of companies controlled by the
Life-President.

For decades internal opposition was silenced.  Even private
criticism of the regime could lead to punishment.  Exiled
opposition figures were tracked down by Banda's agents, and several
were assassinated.  Former Cabinet Minister Orton Chirwa and his
wife Vera were kidnapped from Zambia in 1981 and sentenced to
death.  Although the sentences were commuted after world-wide
protests, she remained in prison until early this year, being
released only after her husband died in prison late last year.

Malawi long enjoyed a reputation for productive free-enterprise
agriculture, with self-sufficiency in food most years.   But
studies revealed a high concentration of wealth, and malnutrition
levels among the highest in Africa.  Although Malawi preserved a
working economic infrastructure, it systematically neglected social
services.   The President's private investment company, Press
Holdings, built a controlling stake in almost every profitable
venture in the country.

By virtue of his pro-Western rhetoric and opposition to radical
views, Banda enjoyed support from key Western powers through the
1980s.  He cooperated with South Africa in opposing radical
liberation movements and supporting destabilization against their
southern African neighbors.  In the 1980s, Malawi provided a
channel for outside support to the brutal Renamo guerrilla group
which has ravaged Mozambique.

Even though the support for Renamo led to economic losses for land-
locked Malawi and the flight of hundreds of thousands of Mozambican
refugees across the border to escape the fighting, Malawi security
agencies with strong links to South Africa maintained the policy.
Observers blamed John Tembo, the aging Banda's key deputy, who was
reported to be the power behind the throne, along with his niece
Cecilia Kadzamira, the President's companion.

For decades, speculation on change in Malawi has centered on the
fate of President Banda, said to be in his 90s.  But Tembo, as his
expected successor, appears determined to maintain the same
authoritarian system.

**Speaking Out for Democracy**

Pro-democracy pressures in Malawi  have been late in coming.  Until
recently, the country attracted virtually no international
attention, while its pro-Western diplomatic and economic policies
insured it virtual immunity from official criticism.  In October
1990 Africa Watch issued an extensive report documenting numerous
human rights abuses, including rigid censorship, killings of
protesters, detention without trial, abuse of political prisoners,
and assassinations.

Africa Watch credited the United States with criticizing the
detention of Jack Mapanje, Malawi's most famous poet, but noted
that Washington simultaneously increased military assistance to the
Banda regime.  As late as 1991, the administration was still
presenting proposals for military assistance to Malawi for fiscal
year 1992.

Public opposition within Malawi finally surfaced in early 1992.  In
March Catholic bishops issued a statement criticizing the regime
for human rights abuses.  In April exiled trade unionist Chakufwa
Chihana returned and was immediately arrested while calling for a
national conference on democracy.  A strike by textile workers in
May burgeoned into wider protest; troops suppressing the protests
killed at least 38 people.

Subsequently Protestant as well as Catholic church leaders spoke
out openly in favor of a transition to democracy.  In June, leaders
of the Church of Central Africa Presbyterian (CCAP), in conjunction
with the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, issued an open letter
to Banda denouncing "the inability of the present political system
to effectively channel demands for change."  Only representatives
of the Nkhoma synod, in Banda's  home area, refused to sign.

Malawians of all walks of life, long intimidated from any
expression of dissent, are now dissenting more openly.  Two
pressure groups, the Alliance for Democracy (AFORD) and the United
Democratic Front (UDF), have taken the lead.  A broad-based
representative body, the Public Affairs Committee (PAC), is engaged
in dialogue with the government on terms of the transition to
democracy.

Members of PAC includce representatives of the churches and civic
organizations, as well as AFORD and the UDF.  The Christian Council
of Malawi and the Episcopal Conference of Malawi (Catholic) were
influential in the formation of PAC and remain core members.

The upsurge of protest inside Malawi has helped spur international
criticism of the regime.  The U.S. joined with other international
donors, at their regular meeting in Paris just after the May
strikes, in approving suspension of bilateral aid to the Banda
regime.  Later news revealed numerous loopholes, including the
continued provision of World Bank loans.  But the international
pressure did force the regime to make concessions, including
agreeing in October 1992 to schedule a referendum on multi-party
democracy this year.

Chakufwa Chihana's detention in April 1992, followed by a two-year
sentence for sedition in December, attracted much international
protest.  Chihana, a veteran trade-union leader, is the chairman of
AFORD.  The AFL-CIO has actively campaigned for his release.   At
the end of March 1993 the Chief Justice of Malawi refused to
release him, but reduced his term to nine months.

On April 14, Vice President Gore met with Malawi's ambassador to
the U.S. to discuss the referendum.  During the meeting the Vice
President also criticized the Malawi government's human rights
abuses, specifically citing the imprisonment of Chihana.

**Obstacles to a Peaceful Transition**

Despite the plans for a June referendum, observers are far from
confident that the government intends to allow democracy to take
its course.  The imprisonment of dissidents continues.  Laws
limiting the freedom to assemble and limiting the access of
opposition parties to the airways remain on the books.  Banda's
referendum plans call for separate  "yes" and "no" ballot boxes in
each location and that the boxes be located in a public place,
making a secret vote impossible.

The main opposition groups have threatened to pull out of the
referendum process if the government does not respond to demands
for free expression and a fair process.  In February this year the
Catholic Bishops of Malawi issued another pastoral letter calling
for a free choice in the referendum.


Events so far this year, however, show a  continuing pattern of
violations by the government:

* The continued imprisonment on dubious charges of Chakufwa Chihana
means that one of the principal opposition leaders will be behind
bars when Malawians go to vote, a vivid reminder of the potential
for reprisals by the government.

* Leaders of pro-democracy groups have been repeatedly harassed.
The Rev. Peter Kaleso was arrested on Jan. 24 after speaking at an
AFORD rally; he is out on bail, charged with sedition.  Alice
Longwe, a Scottish Presbyterian who is the wife of the Rev. Aaron
Longwe, was arrested on Jan. 22 and later released; and Mr. Longwe
was detained for eight hours on March 5.  Both Mr. Kaleso and Mr.
Longwe have survived recent armed attacks apparently carried out by
presons connected with the ruling party.  Bakili Muluzi, the chair
of the UDF was redetained after being acquitted on a trumped-up
charge on April 1.  UDF leader Kaphwiti Banda was detained on April
21 at the airport when returning from exile in Zambia.

*  Two opposition newspapers, the *UDF News* and *The Malawi
Democrat*, have been banned this year.  The High Court lifted the
ban on the *UDF News* in late March, but continued that on *The
Malawi Democrat*.   The opposition is still being denied access to
radio and the national press.

* The conditions for the referendum still do not meet minimum
standards for fairness suggested by the United Nations Electoral
Assistance Unit.  The Public Affairs Committee, in testimony to the
UN Human Rights Commission in late February, affirmed clearly that
"unless the Malawi government accepts the recommendations of the UN
unit, the referendum will not be free and fair.  Particular points
of concern, in addition to guaranteeing rights of free expression,
are the violations of secrecy inherent in two separate ballot boxes
for yes and no, and the absence of an independent referendum
commission to oversee the process.

**WHAT YOU CAN DO**

The State Department has condemned the continued imprisonment of
Chakufwa Chihana and other political leaders.  And in late March a
U.S. Senate resolution was introduced conditioning future aid on
the Malawi government's adherence to human rights, including free
and fair conduct of the referendum.  But there is still no sign of
full compliance by Banda's government.  Additional letters,
particularly from church members, would make it clear that
international pressure will continue.

Write or fax:

Dr. Hasting Kamuzu Banda
President of Malawi
State House
Private Bag 301
Lilongwe 3, Malawi
Fax: [phone]

Ask that:

* Chakufwa Chihana and other political prisoners be released
immediately so that they may participate fully in the public debate
preceding the June referendum.

* All groups have equal access to the media for discussion of the
referendum.

* The secrecy and fairness of the ballot be ensured, with only one
ballot box for each polling place and with ample access for
international election monitors and international human rights
monitors.

Explain that you are urging your government to condition any future
aid to Malawi on a fair referendum and on future protection of
political and other human rights by the government of Malawi.

Send copies of your letter to:

Mr. George Moose
Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs
State Department
Washington, DC 20520

Anthony Lake
National Security Adviser
National Security Council
Washington, DC 20500

House Africa Subcommittee
Room 817 O'Neill House Office Building
Washington, DC 20515

Senate African Affairs Subcommittee
226 Dirksen Senate Office Building
Washington, DC 20510


*******

The Washington Office on Africa (WOA) is a lobbying organization,
sponsored by a coalition of religious denominations and trade
unions.  Together with its educational affiliate, the Africa Policy
Information Center (APIC), WOA focuses on issues affecting
grassroots African interests throughout the continent, and provides
resources for building a wider public constituency on African
issues.


This action alert is one of a series of short documents made
available through posting to Peacenet and other electronic bulletin
boards and conferences.   Longer publications available by mail
include the following.

(1) APIC, **AFRICA'S PROBLEMS....AFRICAN INITIATIVES** brings
together three major policy documents that have emerged in recent
years out of extensive discussion among African leaders,
intellectuals, and grass-roots groups.  Published September 1992.
Price $5/copy.

(2) *The Bush Legacy and Southern Africa: A Post-Cold War Balance
Sheet*   The Winter 1993 issue of **Washington Notes on Africa**
systematically examines the record of the Bush administration on
South Africa and the southern African region, including Zaire,
Angola, Malawi and Mozambique.   Price $1/copy.

(3) **Apartheid's Legacy & Southern Africa in the '90s**. Fall
1991.  Price: $2.00/copy.

Please make checks payable to APIC, 110 Maryland Ave. NE, Suite
112E, Washington, D.C. 20002, [phone].  Add 15% for
postage and handling.




From uwvax!uwm.edu!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!darwin.sura.net!uvaarpa!maxwell!gg2p Fri May  7 10:21:47 CDT 1993
Article: 14883 of soc.culture.african
Newsgroups: soc.culture.african
Path: uwvax!uwm.edu!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!darwin.sura.net!uvaarpa!maxwell!gg2p
From: [e-mail] (Gejaa  Gobena)
Subject: Economic Salvation for the Horn
Message-ID: <[e-mail]>
Organization: University of Virginia
Date: Wed, 5 May 1993 15:49:15 GMT
Lines: 76


I'd like to shift the direction of these discussions in SCA a
bit. I'd like to turn from discussions of the "truth" and
"lies" concerning the politis of certain nations. I'd like to
discuss something that is actually
tangible: The regional economy of the horn of Africa. I would
like to know what ideas that all of you have regarding this
topic. Here are some of my views:

-First of all, now that Eritrea is an independent nation, both
Eritrea and Ethiopia should discard their nationalistic and
chauvinistic tendencies, in favor of the opening up of regional
economic interaction. Personally, I am in staunch oppostion to
the policies of the present governemnt in Ethiopia, but what
does my opposition (as an opulent student in the West) really
mean to the millions of starving people in the Horn.
Especially, since all that any government has brought my people
is civil unrest and in some cases forced starvation. A poor
peasant in Wollega, Ogaden, Southern Sudan, or Somalia all
share the tragic yoke of economic tyranny (on the part of their
governments and other unsavory elements who abuse their special economic
priviledges in their respective countries). All this
bickering on SCA is getting us nowhere quickly. For now, lets leave the
mostly unsubstantiated poltical rhetoric to those who are actually fighting the
fights; to those who are sacrificing themselves for a cause
they deem just. Let us focus in on something we as members of
the African Diaspor can directly influence-the regional economy
in the Horn of Africa.

-It is apparent that in the wake of the end of the Cold War,
and the Budgetary crisises being experienced by Western
Nations, that Africa will have to rely upon itself much more
than it has in the past.

-Collectivized (I am not refering to the Marxist interpretation
of the word) regional economic activity would allow for the free flow of
investment captial within the region. Hence, it could
potentially be benefical to all nations

-A questions which all Africans must ask themselves is whether
or not the Western archetype of Development (i.e. a heavy
emphasis on industrialization) would work, or
whether African nations should turn to new and more innovative
development paradigms. If nations within the Horn of Africa do
rely primarily on industrialization, then there is a strong
chance that a large urban proletariat might grow. And seeing as
there are fewer markets and marketing opportunities available
in the world today, then this urban proletariat might prove to
be a very destablizing element (both economically and
politically).

-Should countries in the horn focus more on the development of its agrarian
resources? This is a very critical question since countries
such as Ethiopia are farming on only a limited portion of the
cultivatable lands. Hence, if more efficient farming techniques
are available, then farming output in countries such as
Ethiopia could increase significantly (and believe me, there's
definitely a market for food in Eastern Africa).

-If the Horn of Africa does create an intraregional economic
support network, then should specific countries specialize in
certain industries. One might argue against this saying that
the political climate in the region has been historically
unstable and hence dependence might cause develomental problems
for some countries if hostilities break out.


These are some of my views and ideas. I do not want to get
specific(because it would take to long to type out any
specifics)  or "offer solutions" because the only time an idea
can
be called a solution is if it is implemented and actually work.
I hope some of you will respond, and present your ideas, or
discuss some of mine.

Peace, Gejaa


From uwvax!uwm.edu!cs.utexas.edu!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!howland.reston.ans.net!darwin.sura.net!haven.umd.edu!news.umbc.edu!gmuvax2!gmuvax.gmu.edu!sgebregz Fri May  7 10:23:41 CDT 1993
Article: 14896 of soc.culture.african
Path: uwvax!uwm.edu!cs.utexas.edu!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!howland.reston.ans.net!darwin.sura.net!haven.umd.edu!news.umbc.edu!gmuvax2!gmuvax.gmu.edu!sgebregz
From: [e-mail]
Newsgroups: soc.culture.african
Subject: Ethiopia: Amensty International Report
Message-ID: <[e-mail]>
Date: 5 May 93 19:29:19 -0500
Organization: George Mason University, Fairfax, VA.
Lines: 103


Here is an AI report in Ethiopia. I hope Zemen  and others will
shade some lights on the whereabouts of individuals listed below.
It sounds pretty serious.

PEACE.
Sam G.
--------------------- Begin Report ------------------------

30 April 1993
UA 147/93   Fear of ill-treatment/Legal concern

ETHIOPIA:
Dr Alemayehu Teferra, former President of Addis Ababa
    University
and 18 university students, arrested two weeks later:
Anteneh Aregaw (psychology student)
Anteneh Ownetu
Bahru Temesgen
Berhanu Mulunesh
Gite (second name not known)
Getaneh Aberra (law)
Habtamu Alebachew (political science)
Haile Berke
Hizbadam Gela (languages)
Marye Aberra (management)
Tadesse Zemamem (economics)
Teshome Bimerew (languages)
Tesfaye (second name not known)
Yehualeshet Girma (electrical engineering)
Yohannes Negash (library science)
Yohannes Seifu (law)
Zelalem Mulatu
and one other

Amnesty International is concerned about the treatment and
legal status of Dr Alemayehu Teferra, former President of
Addis Ababa University and a former professor and dean of
civil engineering, who was arrested on about 9 April 1993 in
Addis Ababa. He is detained without charge and is held
incommunicado in Maikelawi security prison in Addis Ababa.
This was a notorious detention and torture centre under the
previous government of President Mengistu Haile-Mariam. The
present government of President Meles Zenawi is now using it
to hold political prisoners, including members of the former
government, and also opponents of the current government,
some of whom have allegedly been tortured. Conditions in the
prison are harsh.

The government has reportedly accused Dr Alemayehu Teferra
of involvement in the 'Red Terror' campaign by the former
government of President Mengistu Haile-Mariam in 1977-1978,
in which the authorities extrajudicially executed some
thousands of 'anti-revolutionary' government opponents and
detained and tortured tens of thousands more in Addis Ababa,
and more elsewhere. Dr Alemayehu Teferra had at that time
been chairman of a local urban-dwellers association
(kebelle) in Addis Ababa but he was apparently exonerated of
human rights crimes by the new authorities in 1991. On 18
January 1993 he was dismissed from his university post, to
which he was elected in 1991, when the government closed the
university after an anti-government demonstration at the
university on 4 January, in which at least one student and
reportedly several others were killed by the security
forces. The real reason for his imprisonment seems to be his
criticism of the present government over the security
forces' action at the 4 January demonstration.

The 18 students were arrested on 22 April 1993 for
demonstrating against the dismissal of 41 university
professors and lecturers and 11 other students, apparently
on account of their opposition to the government concerning
the university demonstration issue (when the staff
association issued a critical letter). They are detained
without charge or further explanation, and are probably also
held in Maikelawi security prison.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION
Amnesty International had already expressed concern about
the 4 January shooting of the student demonstrators (UA
01/93, 5 January 1993 with follow-up of 10 February). The
demonstrators were expressing their opposition to the
independence referendum on Eritrea, which took place as
scheduled on 22 April 1993, with a vote overwhelmingly
favourable to Eritrea (already de facto separate from
Ethiopia) becoming an independent state in late May. The
government stated that one student, later named as Tesfahun
Worku, was killed and 13 others were wounded in the
demonstration. Unofficial sources have put the figures much
higher. The government in late February set up a commission
of inquiry into the incident, to be headed by the President
of the Supreme Court, and to report its findings to the
Council of Representatives (parliament) within three months.
It has apparently not yet taken evidence from the university
community. The university was re-opened on 5 April under
close government control, with a new president, Dr Duri
Mohamed, who is also Minister of Planning and Development.
Before classes start, students must re-apply for
registration and faculty staff must apply for new two-year
contracts for their previously permanent jobs.

---------------- End ----------------------------



From uwvax!uwm.edu!cs.utexas.edu!usc!howland.reston.ans.net!ira.uka.de!news.dfn.de!news.DKRZ-Hamburg.DE!dscomsa!dxcern!mcsun!sun4nl!dutrun!donau!dutetve.et.tudelft.nl!bowo Fri May  7 10:25:13 CDT 1993
Article: 14904 of soc.culture.african
Xref: uwvax soc.culture.african:14904 soc.culture.europe:18914 soc.culture.vietnamese:32812 soc.culture.asean:17132
Newsgroups: soc.culture.african,soc.culture.europe,soc.culture.vietnamese,soc.culture.asean
Path: uwvax!uwm.edu!cs.utexas.edu!usc!howland.reston.ans.net!ira.uka.de!news.dfn.de!news.DKRZ-Hamburg.DE!dscomsa!dxcern!mcsun!sun4nl!dutrun!donau!dutetve.et.tudelft.nl!bowo
From: [e-mail] (D. (Bowo) Prabowo)
Subject: DISS Cultural Festival
Message-ID: <[e-mail]>
Sender: [e-mail] (UseNet News System)
Nntp-Posting-Host: dutetve.et.tudelft.nl
Organization: Delft University of Technology
Date: Thu, 06 May 1993 11:41:43 GMT
Lines: 52


===========================================================================
CULTURAL FESTIVAL   CULTURAL FESTIVAL  CULTURAL FESTIVAL  CULTURAL FESTIFAL
===========================================================================


            DISS CULTURAL FESTIVAL 1993


  The Delft International Students' Society (DISS) Cultural Festival (DCF) is
  unofficially the cultural highpoint of the academic year at the Delft
  University of Technology. The purpose of the DCF is to unite, promote and
  positively portray the many colourful cultures of this world.

  The DCF 1993 has a very wide range of fantastic and culturally
  significant activities this year, catering for the young and
  old. Activities range this year from ancient Chinese
  meditation processes to professional belly dancing
  demonstrations from a very lovely Arabian woman!

  Come and expand your horizons and experience the many cultures
  of the world, right here in Delft. Just for starters, you will be
  able to witness Bulgarian folk dance, sizzling hot and sensual
  Spanish music performed by an electrical Rosalin de Castro,
  the 1001 nights atmosphere will be supplied by a eye opening
  performance by a very famous belly dancer. In addition to all
  of the above there will also be acts from the far east (such
  as tai chi, various dance performances and photo and slide
  presentations) and from Eastern Europe.

  To cut a long story short, if you want to have the time of
  your life (and educate yourself at the same time), come to the
  Aula on the 21st of May. On top off all the fantastic and
  colourful acts described above, you can party the night away
  to the best disco you've EVER been to!!

  Tickets to the cultural festival are available at the VVV-
  Delft and at the Kaartenhuis-Delft. If however you cannot make
  it to the VVV or the Kaartenhuis you can phone the DISS and
  leave a message on our answering machine : we'll take care of
  your ticket for you!! Our telephone number is 015-785989.
  Tickets cost fl. 12,50. Be there!!!!!


  D. Prabowo
  More informations : [e-mail]
                      [e-mail]

                phone home   : 015-626344
                  office   : 015-781797/781669




From uwvax!uwm.edu!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!howland.reston.ans.net!gatech!destroyer!cs.ubc.ca!empress.cs.ubc.ca!not-for-mail Fri May  7 10:27:07 CDT 1993
Article: 14913 of soc.culture.african
Path: uwvax!uwm.edu!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!howland.reston.ans.net!gatech!destroyer!cs.ubc.ca!empress.cs.ubc.ca!not-for-mail
From: [e-mail] (Scott Hazelhurst)
Newsgroups: soc.culture.african
Subject: Hani, De Klerk, Mandela
Date: 6 May 1993 09:27:21 -0700
Organization: Computer Science, University of B.C., Vancouver, B.C., Canada
Lines: 94
Message-ID: <[e-mail]>
NNTP-Posting-Host: empress.cs.ubc.ca

In the latest Guardian Weekly (2 May) there is IMHO an excellent
opinion piece by Andre Brink. As it brings together two threads
that we've been discussing here -- Hani's assassination and
De Klerk's apology -- I thought I would reproduce (without
permission) part of the article (this is from about half the
way through).

".....
If such reactions [Brink has just recounted interactions
with a coloured student and a white taxi driver] are to be
dismissed as the uncontrolled emotions of "ordinary people" who,
somehow don't know better", the most revealing -- and the
most sickening -- responses are from those who are supposed
to know better, includin President de Klerk himself.

"Confronted by the news of black rage following the murder,
his gut reaction was to summon his State Security Council;
after a day of massive dignified mourning marred by some
outbreaks of violence (nothing compared with the destruction
of Los Angeles after the acquittal of the Rodney King
accused in 1992), all de klerk could do was threaten strong action
against "unruly elements".

"Nothing has exposed this man so mercilessly for the petty and
vicious little securocrat he is at heart than the events
that have shaken South Africa since April 10. Like Chesterton's
donkey, de Klerk has had his moment of glory, when it seemed
he took charge fo history; what he must have discovered by
now is that history does not need him for its unfolding. He
has, in fact, been largely bypassed by it, cut down to a very
paltry size by recent events.

"His thinking, and that of his wretched regime is still based
exclusively on "them-and-us"; and criminally oblivious of
what was happening in the mind of the great majority of South
Africans, he allowed the black week between assassination and
funeral to run its course as if it concerned only blacks --
those dangerous and inferior others who, in his besieged mind,
continued to bite the hand that feeds and beats them and cannot
rise above the level of uncontrollable emotion and brute
violence. How little was really required! To have announced the
day the news broke, a state-supported Day of Mourning for the
whole country (when even the least informed mind should have
been able to tell that in practical terms the country would have
come to a standstill anyway) would have drawn the whole of
South Africa into a communal state of contrition and concern;
in the meanest political terms it would have earned de Klerk
the goodwill of the large majority of blacks.

"But he has, of course, a talent for making the wrong
choices ... [example of Boipatong and lack of representative
at Hani funeral cited]...

"This moment, more than the many others since de Klerk took
office, represented the final abdication of vision, of
dignity, even of ordinary decency from the present regime.
And de Klerk is not even conscious of it -- just as he
remains blithely oblivious of the need to show remorse
for apartheid (it was not an evil he continues to assert,
only a policy that somehow "didn't work"). Because he
has remained the prisoner of apartheid which he helped to
keep in place for so long; a prisoner of his own whiteness;
a prisoner of history in its narrowest and crudest sense.
In his predecessor I had occasion to remark on the phenomenon
of apocalyptic arrogance. In de Klerk it is merely ignoble
ignorance. Ignorance, above all, of his own -- that is
his regime's -- mortality.

"This is the core of the historical silence lurking
in the present clamour: the silence that divides white
from black, the silence of unknowing and unreason -- of
an unwillingness to know -- which manifests itself as
a series of lacks -- lack of understanding, lack of compassion,
denial of simple human dignity. This is the price of
alienation, of a process that has gone so far as to
appear irreversible.

"As a counter-weight to the pettiness of the scale which
de Klerk operates, Nelson Mandela has assumed, in the wake
of Hani's murder, a stature and a dignity that appeared
to invite, as something not only inevitable but normal,
his being introduced as "the President of South Africa".
The way in which on the night of Hani's death, he took
charge of the television broadcast to the country he'd
already had in all but name...."

[The rest of the article is well worth reading, but what
I've typed in is about a third so I don't have time to
do more]

Scott
--
[e-mail]----------------------------------------------------------
   Scott Hazelhurst


From uwvax!uwm.edu!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!magnus.acs.ohio-state.edu!smoges Fri May  7 10:27:55 CDT 1993
Article: 14918 of soc.culture.african
Path: uwvax!uwm.edu!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!magnus.acs.ohio-state.edu!smoges
From: [e-mail] (Sinne Moges)
Newsgroups: soc.culture.african
Subject: Confederation Hinted
Date: 6 May 1993 18:39:55 GMT
Organization: The Ohio State University
     Dear Readers;  I have just finished reading a Saudi Arabian news
   report from Asmara,entitled "Eritrean leader hints at Ethiopia       =
Lines: 19
Distribution: na
Message-ID: <1sbm1r$[e-mail]>
NNTP-Posting-Host: magnusug.magnus.acs.ohio-state.edu

    I bring this matter to your attention for discussion.It is an issue
   that everybody might want to comment on. Therefore,it is for both
   advocates of sesession and unity to this old but unfortunate nation.

    There are key points to be taken into considerderation in dealing
   with the issue.
     1. What 'Confederation with Ethiopia' means in this context,
     2. As there is no democratic rule in Ethiopia today (all of us know),
   would it be effective..and fair?
     3. Is it just a political game played by politicians to silence
 the opposition groups and confuse the innocents?
     4. Why was the secessionist war fought for all these years?

    In inviting every interested group/individual,I ask you to bring
   objective and constructive ideas to the forum. At this historic
   moment our country needs us most,so wake up!!

                                          Thank you
                                          Moges.


From uwvax!uwm.edu!cs.utexas.edu!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!howland.reston.ans.net!newsserver.jvnc.net!erenj.com!mafewormac.erenj.com!user Fri May  7 10:29:07 CDT 1993
Article: 14924 of soc.culture.african
Newsgroups: soc.culture.african
Path: uwvax!uwm.edu!cs.utexas.edu!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!howland.reston.ans.net!newsserver.jvnc.net!erenj.com!mafewormac.erenj.com!user
From: [e-mail] (Mobae Afeworki)
Subject: Ethiopia recognizes Eritrea
Message-ID: <[e-mail]>
Followup-To: soc.culture.african
Sender: [e-mail] (ERE News System)
Nntp-Posting-Host: mafewormac.erenj.com
Organization: ER&E, Clinton, NJ.  Opinions solely the author's, not the Company's.
Date: Thu, 6 May 1993 22:52:54 GMT
Lines: 90

Several news organizations have reported that Ethiopia, after making sure
that the referendum in Eritrea was conducted in a free and fair and
democratic manner through its own observers, recognized Eritrean
independence.

*******************************************************
ETHIOPIA SUPPORTS REFERENDUM RESULTS; MELES PRAISES ETHIOPIANS' CONDUCT

SOURCE: Voice of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa, in Amharic 1700 gmt 29 Apr 93
  At its fifth extraordinary session held today, the Council of
Representatives of the transitional government of Ethiopia passed a
resolution after examining a memorandum sent by the Prime Minister. The
Voice of Ethiopia reporter present at the Council of Representatives'
meeting, Dereje Haile, has the details:

   [Dereje] The council passed the resolutions after listening to and
examining
the report presented by a 13-man delegation which was sent to observe the
Eritrean referendum. The delegation, appointed by the Ethiopian
transitional
government's Prime Minister, carried out its responsibility by observing
111
polling stations in  Eritrea  between 13th-20th Miyazia 1985 [Ethiopian
calendar, corresponding to 20th-28th April 1993].

   In his brief report to the members of the council, the head of the
delegation, who is also the Minister of Information, Dr Negaso Gidada, said
that
during its stay in  Eritrea  the delegation had held talks with members of
various nationalities in  Eritrea,  followers of various political
organisations, officials and international observers. It stated officially
that
the referendum in  Eritrea  had been carried out freely, fairly and in a
democratic manner. . .

   President Meles Zenawi gave an exhaustive report in answer to questions
forwarded by the council members and noted the way the broad masses of
Ethiopia
had conducted themselves in observing the referendum process in  Eritrea
in a
disciplined manner. This showed the farsightedness and righteousness of the
people. He expressed his greatest esteem and respect for the Ethiopian
people.

   [Meles] The ordinary citizens of Ethiopia, those who are said to be
illiterate, have proved in a practical way that they can understand issues
which
the so-called literate could not comprehend and understand.  The Ethiopian
people have shown in a practical way that they are noble and civilised
[last
three words in English]. They have shown that they are able to solve issues
in a
civilised [last word in English] manner, in a quote unquote civilised
manner.

   What if they were people driven by feelings caused by a situation such
as
that in Pakistan and India? What if they were people that could be driven
by the
sentiments which we are currently seeing in Yugoslavia, Eastern Europe? Is
our
mission to gallop the horses of feelings? The horses of sentiment shall not
take
us anywhere. The alternative, which we should follow, should not be
sentimentality but reason [last word in English]. This is the stance we
have to
take.

   [Dereje] It was after voting and passing resolutions on three major
issues
that the Council of Ministers wound up its session. These resolutions were:

   (1) The transitional government of Ethiopia's Council of Representatives
has
the right to take a stance on the referendum process and the outcome.

   (2) We accept the views of the UN, the OAU and observers sent from
Ethiopia regarding the referendum process.

   (3) We support the overwhelming vote of independence passed by the
Eritrean
people.

   These resolutions were fully adopted by the council, apart from one
[vote]
against and five abstentions.
*******************************************************
Mobae Afeworki  [e-mail]
* I speak for myself and no one else; none of the above words within
asterisks is mine.


From uwvax!uwm.edu!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!howland.reston.ans.net!darwin.sura.net!uvaarpa!maxwell!gg2p Fri May  7 10:29:45 CDT 1993
Article: 14929 of soc.culture.african
Newsgroups: soc.culture.african
Path: uwvax!uwm.edu!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!howland.reston.ans.net!darwin.sura.net!uvaarpa!maxwell!gg2p
From: [e-mail] (Gejaa  Gobena)
Subject: Re: exit
Message-ID: <[e-mail]>
Organization: University of Virginia
References: <[e-mail]>
Date: Thu, 6 May 1993 23:39:33 GMT
Lines: 55

There are several reasons why the EPRDF might possiblely
be destabiling the country. However, the one I shall focus on in
this posting is the exacerbation of problem of ethnic subnationalism which
has come about in Ethiopia as a direct result of the policies
of the EPRDF.

-The OLF was included in the initial stages of Transitional
Government's development. Unfortunately, since then the OLF has
dropped out of the original government and has attempted to
militarily oppose the Transitional Government. The OLF has a
large constituency, and hence any opposition that it might
mount could act as a very destablizing force which would
undermine any efforts by the Tran. Gov't to secure peace in
much of the country and initiate economic development. Without
the support of the OLF and its growing constituency, any
attempts to have any form wideranging developmental policies
would be in jeopardy.

-Furthermore, the ethnic clashes between the EPRDF (and
argueably they are ethnic) and the OLF have spilled over and
affected many other ethnic groups (mostly noteably the
Amharas). As a result of both group`s efforts to secure
'traditional' lands, the phenomenon of ethnic cleansing has
ravaged many Amhara communities. Again, these clashes and
conflicts contribute to the growing amount of political instability which
is plagueing Ethiopia today.

-When ethnic groups clash in to such an extent, then the
political infrastructure of Ethiopia is greatly threatened.
Moreover, as Ethiopia's national cohesion begins to weaken,
then it is apparent the government which is in power is failing
 to represent the people it claims to. If a government is not supported by the
mass of its polity, and faces violent widescale political opposition due to its
policies, then those who run the government (namely the
EPRDF) are acting as destabilizing elements.

-Without a stable government, then a country which needs a
drastic infusion of investment capital, such as Ethiopia, will
see its economic livelyhood in jeopardy. Foreign and domestic
investors do not want to risk their capital in a country whose
political situation is unstable. I'm sure the EPRDF`s
leadership is quite aware of this. Yet they fail to make
strides to negotiate with dissident groups such as the OLF or
even the AAPO. Seeing as the fate of a WHOLE nation supposedly rests (perhaps
unfortunately) in their hands, don't you think its their
responsibility to ensure the development and growth of all of
Ethiopia. If they didn't wouldn't you say they
were.....undermine the national cohesion of Ethiopia?

-I don`t have anymore time to list any more reason, but these
are more than enough.

Peace to Ethiopia and to all those who wish to see ALL her people
prosper,
Gejaa


From uwvax!uwm.edu!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!howland.reston.ans.net!ira.uka.de!sol.ctr.columbia.edu!usenet.ucs.indiana.edu!silver.ucs.indiana.edu!kautaj Fri May  7 10:30:50 CDT 1993
Article: 14934 of soc.culture.african
Newsgroups: soc.culture.african
Path: uwvax!uwm.edu!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!howland.reston.ans.net!ira.uka.de!sol.ctr.columbia.edu!usenet.ucs.indiana.edu!silver.ucs.indiana.edu!kautaj
From: [e-mail] (The Wise Man from the East)
Subject: Re: Demonstration by White Farmers
Message-ID: <[e-mail]>
Sender: [e-mail] (USENET News System)
Nntp-Posting-Host: silver.ucs.indiana.edu
Organization: Indiana University, Department of Mathematics.
References: <[e-mail]>
Date: Fri, 7 May 1993 03:20:07 GMT
Lines: 49

In article <[e-mail]> [e-mail] (Winslow Sargeant) writes:
>    Could someone post what was the outcome from the recent demonstration
>by White Farmers in South Africa.

>From the AP. A more detailed related article appeared on the front page of
today's (May 6) NYT. These Boers are swines full time!! -- kauta.
===========================================================================

   Right-Wing Faction Urges Halt
     To S. African Democracy Talks
                 ---
    POTCHEFSTROOM, South Africa - A
former army commander demanded Thursday
that the government suspend talks on
multiracial democracy, and thousands of
armed white farmers vowed to resist
black rule.
    Retired Gen. Constand Viljoen was
wildly cheered when he told about 5,000
farmers that communists were using the
talks to trigger a violent revolution.
    ''If you continue negotiations you
are playing into the hands of the
revolutionaries,'' said Viljoen, one of
four former generals attempting to
unite the fractious right wing into an
alliance.
    The four oppose the governing
National Party's dismantling of
apartheid and say their new alliance to
be formally launched Friday will demand
a whites-only homeland.
    While many whites are unhappy about
sharing power with blacks, few appear
willing to resort to extremes.
    The farmers at Thursday's rally,
most wearing pistols in holsters,
backed a resolution saying they would
never be ruled by the black-led African
National Congress.
    Deputy Agriculture Minister Tobie
Meyer was prevented from speaking by
jeering farmers.
    Farmers are enraged over attacks on
rural homesteads. Six farmers were
killed in the previous 8 days in
burglaries that many conservative
whites blame on increased crime spawned
by racial reforms.


From uwvax!uwm.edu!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!howland.reston.ans.net!gatech!prism!gt7193a Fri May  7 10:31:22 CDT 1993
Article: 14935 of soc.culture.african
Path: uwvax!uwm.edu!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!howland.reston.ans.net!gatech!prism!gt7193a
From: [e-mail] (OKELO-ODONGO,STEPHEN)
Newsgroups: soc.culture.african
Subject: are african students willing to return home after graduation
Keywords: impact of brain drain on technology transfer
Message-ID: <[e-mail]>
Date: 7 May 93 04:13:29 GMT
Organization: Georgia Institute of Technology
Lines: 35

this posting is on behalf of a friend who cannot post to s.c.a but can
read it. his email address is    [e-mail]

**********************************************************************


by way of an introduction, my name is darren pascavage and i am writing
a paper on the relationship between africans who are educated in the united
states and their home nations. i was hoping that some of you on the net could
offer anecdotes and opinions regarding the following issues:
    1. difficulties in leaving home nation after earning a degree
        i have heard that some students who return home for a visit after
        earning their degree are denied passports or other permission to
        leave their home nation and return to the united states. i suppose
        the reasoning is to force educated individuals to remain in africa
        so that they will teach/research there.

    2. economic differences between the u.s. and africa
        soem students feel the call of national duty to return to their home
        nation but the poor facilities and weak economies make the united
        states too appealing an option to pass up.

    3. weakening of african universities due to losses to united states instit
    4. failure of african nations to actively support technical research and thu       make their nations appealing to graduates...

any and all relevant comments and opinions would be appreciated. please note
that i may cite your name in my paper (i will not do so if you ask me not to)
so use whatever discretion you feel is appropriate.

thanks to all who have read this and special thanks to those who respond.

darren pascavage    gt2059b.prism.gatech.edu